The news of the crime of Sarajevo not seem to disturb too much the pleasant early summer of 1914, the Kaiser Wilhelm II went to the races Kiel (even hurt, because knew the deceased personally Franz Ferdinand) in Paris celebrating the Grand Prix had and preparations for the day from the nearby national holiday, while President Poincare sailing to St. Petersburg a scheduled visit time ago ... there was nothing to foreshadow that was not just another of Chapters of the mess of Balkans proppiciado otherwise annoying for people in a turbulent corner of the continent, and nothing else.
There were two exceptions: Austria and Servia , the parties involved in the assassination . governments Vienna and Belgrade were handed over to a frantic diplomatic activity, considering decisions to take. In Austria-Hungary with the idea to harness the outrage at the attempt to make a final warning to Servia it would be both a stroke of authority within the empire who knows, inhibition could put threatening the very existence of Austria-Hungary ! position defended ardently by the Chief of Staff Hotzendorf and Berchtold, Austrian Foreign Minister since 1912. Before taking a major step proceeded to consult with the German government in early July, through Szösgyeny Ambassador, accredited Berlin. A letter from the old Emperor Francis Joseph summarizes the official position of the Viennese cabinet: "peace can not be certain until Servia (...) shall not perish from the Balkans power factor (.. .) peace policy pursued by all the monarchs of Europe be compromised while shaking the core of criminal go unpunished ".
These ideas were welcomed by Berlin , especially William II. On July 5th the Austrian embassy was Germany's answer: " anyway, the hostile attitude of Russia will be if the war (...) erupts between her and Austria-Hungary can be confident in Vienna that Germany remain a loyal ally is by side monarchy. On the other hand Russia is far from being ready for war (...) unfortunate that Austria would not draw match at this very favorable for her "this statement positively welcomed the nuts to Servia, perhaps including a localized war in the Balkans , he claimed to Austria military support if complications arose with Russia, but immediately afterwards was considered this possibility unlikely. Personally, I disagree with the part of the historiography it called a "blank check" to Austria this document. The words of this statement clearly focuses the problem in Serbia , not the undesirable idea of \u200b\u200ba general war. It is true that the mortgaged German foreign policy decisions to be taken in Vienna on how to proceed against Servia , an example of how a weaker ally can drag to a stronger partner than just tries to make a gesture "look good." This scenario shows the carelessness of the officials, who kept their vacation plans but still contact by telegraph attentive to the developments.
On July 7, after consultations with Berlin met a small council of ministers formed by Sturgkh , Berchtold and Tisza (prime minister of the Hungarian kingdom ), V on Krabotin (minister of war), Hotzendorf and the head of the Admiralty. From the discussions it was concluded the need for maximum strength and military action should take place if not accepted all the conditions Austro-Hungarian . Tisza was the most indecisive to adhere to these views, because I thought that whatever the outcome of a possible war would prejudice the Hungarian . Following further consultations with the German ambassador, Tschirschky . The
Wilhelmstraße
(German Foreign Ministry) by the Minister Jargow began making efforts to "localize" the war against Serbia with warnings to other capitals, partly to seek their answers. The 18 days the Austrian government had prepared its ultimatum to Servia . French President Poincaré, who continued his visit in St. Petersburg said: " Servia has very loyal friends in Russia. And Russia is an ally, France ... " although this belligerence was not shared at that time by the relaxed French opinion, not yet a national holiday and domestic scandals aired in the courts and newspapers . On 23
the Austrian ambassador in Belgrade , Giesl handed final text of the ultimatum Serbian government :
" from the statements and confessions of the perpetrators criminals in the June 28 attack follows the murder of Sarajevo has been hatched in Belgrade, that weapons and explosives of the murderers were delivered by officers and officials Serbs as part of the Narodna (...) Odbrana Serbian government should :
1 º Delete any publication that encourages hatred and contempt for the monarchy Austro-Hungarian and whose general trend goes against the integrity of Empire.
2 nd immediately dissolve the society called Narodna Odbrana
3 º Delete (...) without delay of public instruction in Servia (...) everything that serves or may serve to foster the propaganda against Austria-Hungary . 4 º Zoom
military service and (...) administration officials guilty of propaganda against the monarchy Austro-Hungarian . 5 º OK
within Serbia collaboration of the organs of imperial and royal government in the suppression of the subversive movement directed against the territorial integrity of the Empire. 6th
Open a judicial inquiry against the accomplices of the conspiracy on June 28 found in Serbian territory . The imperial government take part in these investigations by the relevant delegated bodies.
7 º urgently to arrest the commander Voija Tancosevic (...) committed by the results of the Sarajevo . (...)
8 º Prevent illegal trafficking of weapons and explosives through (...) border
9 th to explain the imperial government on the unwarranted statements Serbian officials to (...) expressed in a hostile manner towards Austro-Hungarian monarchy .
10 º (...) To report without delay the measures included in the above.
Imperial and Royal Government awaits the response (...) what later Saturday June 25 at 18.00 "
was a note extremely hard, especially with regard to intervention Austrian administration in Serbia . The implications of this ultimatum not go unnoticed, and began the return cylinder (of Poincare to France from Russia, William II to Berlin).
Was the German government as the final wording of the ultimatum ? At least there a division of opinion within it, but overall the idea of \u200b\u200bsupporting the government and outside Vienna in their claims.
In Russia, the reaction was not wait and began to take a decisive character, in a hurried council of ministers meeting of the foreign minister Sazonov said: "It is clear that the Austrian domination Servia is so intolerable for Russia as it would be the domination of the P bass AISES Germany for England. In fact it is a matter of life or death for Russia . That conference also gave in favor of a preventive Russian mobilization. Surely, this is the turning point of a serious crisis, but local to a conflict terrrible powers is precisely the difference in the mass mobilization of a party that makes irreversible the process of war.
Meanwhile, discussions continued in Belgrade , chaired by the radical liberal Pasic, frowned upon by ultranationalist Serbian , about the response to give the ultimatum . France and Britain pressed for a conciliatory gesture Serbian that would save face for Austrians outraged and furious. But in Belgrade beginning to see the deepening of the crisis as desirable and proceeded to mobilize and gold output in the state and royal family of the capital ... but otherwise communicated the acceptance of most of ultimatum except items 5 and 6 as a diplomatic tactic pretending so yield to the wishes of the Western allies, knowing that the Austrians would accept probably not this output. (An ultimatum requires, by its own terms , full acceptance to be canceled)
The 25 days ago the Austrian ambassador prepared to leave your bags Belgrade and Vienna agreed to the partial mobilization against Serbia . arose then the first concern expressed that the Balkan crisis is spread through the rest of Europe. The British foreign minister, Grey , requested an extension of the ultimatum and intervene with Austria and Russia. There was poor communication of this offer by Jargow Berchtold and Germany government.
On July 26 the offer was repeated, centered this time in convening a conference of ambassadors in unwelcome Vienna and Berlin who interpreted it as a delaying tactic, not enough to resolve a dispute of this size. On 27 Grey requested a German pressure on Austria to accept the answer that served that further discussions would be materialized in order to satisfy the demands of Austria.
The same day, an exultant Guillermo II said: "All grounds for war disappears. Austria achieved a great diplomatic success. The Austrian troops should occupy Belgrade as a pledge of the accepted conditions. Reservations on the points in detail shall be settled by negotiations . A demonstration of how the German government had raised the whole issue as a matter of prestige, a mere pulse diplomat who had to play hard to win a victory political, of course, this was far from a preconceived plan to build a world war, which belies many of the charges subsequently discharged by the victors and the pro-Allied historians reported.
However, some circles German government transmitted so late and incomplete assessment of the top leadership Germanic Austria. Here the mood was elated and would no longer than strict compliance with the ultimatum . On 28 Austria declared war on Servia . The next day began the bombing of Belgrade by two river gunboats stationed on the Danube .
was approaching the point of no return, with the rapid acceleration of events and facts, while diplomatic statements were becoming mere rhetoric. was rife the international alarm. The most far-reaching action, as a hostile act from one of the major powers was Russian partial mobilization declared on 29 July. The tremendous impact of this fact can not be underestimated when taking stock of the tense days in July 1914. Preparations to Russian, the German military, alarmed, they realized that a delay would give their own mobilization to tear up its strategic plan, the Schlieffen plan anticipate based on the Russians.
Amid the uncertainty of Guillermo II and Bethmann - Hollweg piled pressure on both and the last exchange of letters between the Tsar and the Kaiser not pass a series of gestures proactive but irrelevant. The 29 season was the British mediation offer, giving as good temporary occupation of Belgrade , but would not explain how London to appease the Russians; Sazonov rejected this offer if not previously stopped the Austro- served. An example of how the facts changed the previous situation and adding new demands and challenges mediation attempts.
PHOTO. GERMAN CHANCELLOR Bethmann - Hollweg
On the night of 29 to 30 appear to Hollweg took inevitability of a general war. Informed the Austrian part of the scruples and doubts Guillermo II but pressure them to cancel its war with Servia . On day 30 the total mobilization of the Russians was proclaimed amid enthusiasm of the country, ended recent misgivings and hesitations Berlin. If the Russians were advancing Germany could be written off ... it was necessary to act, "the stone has been thrown to roll and there is no stopping her," said Hollweg. The German generals led by Moltke and the War Minister E. Von Falkenhayn had the green light now and civil government was subordinated to their needs.
After receiving guarantee that Germany was preparing to mobilize, Austria-Hungary proclaimed their mobilization general on the night of 30 to 31. Some anti-war movements and socialist leaders meeting in Brussels were mere gesture without content.
the August 31, Germany sent an ultimatum St. Petersburg demanding the withdrawal of Russian mobilization described as hostile act. Having received no reply within the stipulated period, the German ambassador left the Russian capital Portales. On August 1 Germany declared mobilization and declared war on Russia.
Meanwhile, the French rejected the German summons to proclaim neutrality and provide the border towns of Toul and Verdun as guarantee to a Russian-German. The French responded by declaring their mobilization on August 1 while increased their requests for England to be incorporated permanently to the Entente . As was saying Ambassador in London, Cambon : "German fleet can enter the Channel and attack our coastlines defense? The people French to English say: you have betrayed us! "
Sample improvisation prevailing between the classes is the leaders who lived maremagnun the German High Command on Aug. 1, when William II , ill-informed about an alleged British guarantee the neutrality of France launched a counter to move the main army eastward against Russia, in the belief that maintain neutrality and English. Moltke was shocked, because to implement this occurrence would have meant breaking change all expectations and complex preparations for years and putting the fate of Germany in suspense, taking advantage of the unpredictable future attitude to take English and more than French predictable attack in Alsace-Lorraine . He barely managed to convince the Kaiser of impossibility and the inappropriateness of such a measure. addition, on the night of 1 to 2 was clarified that the only English words related the simultaneous maintenance of peace with France and Russia. Guillermo II told motka " Now you can act in their own way. Marche on Luxembourg "
On August 2, the first German soldiers went into Luxembourg, the Germany Ambassador in Brussels, the Belgian government gave a ultimatum demanding free passage of German troops. Was dismissed that night. Throughout the day, August 2 skirmishes were reported or hostile movements along the border between France and Germany. In Russia continued street demonstrations in support of war against Germany and Austria and for the Tsar. On August 3, claiming a violation of airspace by aircraft French German Germany declared war on France. In the early hours of 4, in compliance with the plan Schlieffen, German troops invaded Belgium.
PHOTO. ENTHUSIASM PATRIOTIC : FAREWELL TO FRENCH SOLDIERS.
decant This event ended up in Britain with the Franco- . London could not tolerate the control of Flanders, Belgium and Germany had the magnificent grounds of the act of 1839 (in which Britain guaranteed the neutrality of then newly created state Belgium) to silence those opposed to the opening of hostilities. The government of HH Asquith received unanimous support but a handful of isolated Labour. The English ultimatum demanding the withdrawal German Belgium expired at 2400 hours on 4 August.
The German view is summarized in the statement that the Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg went to the Reichstag at the time:
"For 44 years we lived in peace. We just drawn his sword in defense of a just cause. Russia has lit the torch in the house (big applause). It would be a crime to wait until these powers, among which are constrained, to overflow. France has violated the peace. The French aircraft have crossed and hurled bombs. French cavalry patrols and infantry companies have entered Alsace. We have to act in self defense. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps are already in Belgium (big shock).
Our invasion of Belgium violates international law, but we will repair the injustice that we have been forced to commit because of other (big applause) ... We will stand shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary. We have told the England attack Belgian sovereignty but not independence. The time trial from Germany has arrived. Our army is in the field. Our army is ready for battle. Behind them remain a united people. "
A bellicose and exalted post, however, did not disguise the unease with the increasingly clear prospect of British intervention. Indeed, the night of August 4-5 held a stormy meeting between the British ambassador in Berlin, E. Goschen and Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg. suvizar latter treatment the character of German intervention in Belgium but the British diplomat, sharply following the orders of his government, dismissed Ambassy: Belgium withdrawal or war.
German leaders would not understand, or suspected duplicity behind This British firm demand, as it implied the next outburst of Bethmann-Hollweg: "Britain is doing something unimaginable to a sister nation which desires only to live in peace with the English and everything (...) by a piece of paper! ", or suspected (quite rightly) as in the case of the Kaiser and other politicians, that England just joined Germany's enemies by mere rivalry.
On the morning of August 5, all the great nations of Europe, the Allies (France, Britain and Russia, Belgium and Serbia) and the Central Powers (Germany and Austria-Hungary) were involved as soon be called "Great War" or "World War."
PHOTO. MASS RALLY IN SAINT PETERSBURG FOR THE CENTRAL EMPIRES WAR IN AUGUST OF 1914
. ARREST OF MAIN (SECOND FROM RIGHT) 
PHOTO. The Ancient Emperor Franz Joseph 
